The Greek Cypriots claim that the Cyprus problem was caused by the landing
of Turkish troops in 1974 and that if only they would withdraw, the problem
would be solved. This is a serious misconception, for the modern Cyprus
question began in 1960 and the landing of Turkish troops was the
consequence, not the cause, of the problem.
Cyprus is a complex political issue. It ultimately revolves around one
fundamental fact: the existence of two distinct peoples on the Island,
namely the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots, and their relationship.
The Island of Cyprus, which is geographically an extension of the Anatolian
peninsula, has been a land of many conquests due to its proximity to the
Middle Eastern countries and its strategic location at the crossroads of
East and West. Cyprus has seen a succession of rulers, namely Assyrians,
Egyptians, Persians, Romans, Arabs, Crusaders and Turks who ruled the
Island as part of the Ottoman Empire from 1571 until 1878. Cyprus has never
been a Greek Island.
It is both useful and important to keep in mind that there has never been
in Cyprus a "Cypriot nation" due to the distinct national, religious and
cultural characteristics of each ethnic people who, in addition, speak
different languages. It is also interesting to note that although the two
peoples had lived together in the Island for centuries there were
practically no inter-marriages and not even a single commercial partnership
was set up.
In March 1963 Archbishop Makarios said "The (Independence) Agreements have
created a State, but not a Nation." (The Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail 28.3.63)
This being so, any approach to the Cyprus question which regards Cypriots
as one nation would be fundamentally flawed.
There are, in fact, two peoples of Cyprus - the Turkish Cypriots numbering
about 200.000 and the Greek Cypriots numbering about 700.000. The Turkish
Cypriots are mainly Moslems and the Greek Cypriots are mainly adherents of
the Greek Orthodox Church. Cyprus lies 40 miles from the coast of Türkiye,
and Turkish people have inhabited the island since the 12th century. The
Island is 250 miles from the nearest Greek island (Rhodes), and Athens is
460 miles away.
The Greek and Turkish Cypriots lived relatively peacefully until Greece
gained its independence from the Ottomans in 1821. The Greek Cypriot
agitation for “Enosis” (the union of Cyprus with Greece), perpetrated by
the Greeks, was further intensified with the change of administration in
Cyprus (from Turkish to British) in 1878. The ultimate aim of the Greeks
and Greek Cypriots was to oust the British and annex Cyprus to Greece and
in order to Hellenize the entire population of the Island.
The period following the formal annexation of Cyprus by Britain in 1914 can
be characterized as the high tide of Greek nationalistic ambitions in
Cyprus.
The Greek Cypriots, in conspiracy with Greece, launched a violent campaign
for annexing the Island to Greece in 1955. The terrorist organization EOKA,
under the guidance of Archbishop Makarios, indiscriminately murdered
everyone in their way, the British (the then colonial rulers), the Turkish
Cypriots and even some of their kinsmen who were opposed to the idea of
“Enosis”.
Today, the Cyprus question can perhaps be summarized as follows: The
partnership Republic formed in 1960 between the two peoples of Cyprus broke
down in 1963. For the time being, Greek and Turkish Cypriots live apart.
Does the future of Cyprus lie in a new political integration or in an
arms-length relationship based on willing and active co-operation between
the two peoples, each secure in its own sovereign territory and each with
its own customs, traditions and identity?
On 15th August 1996 the Daily Telegraph wrote "Turkish Cypriots have
constitutional right on their side and understandably fear a renewal of
persecution if the Turkish army withdraws. Almost nowhere in the world is
there a lasting peace that is not based on people's rights to govern
themselves."
Everyone who wishes Cyprus well prefers to look to the future but some
commentators will readily use the events of 1974 to argue that the present
state of affairs is unacceptable. They do not, however, go back to before
the 20th of July 1974. Refusal to consider the preceding 15 years means
that important legal and political issues wrongly determined in favour of
the Greek Cypriots remain as a continuing source of tension between the
former partners.
The most important of these issues is the international acceptance of the
Greek Cypriot regime as the government of all Cyprus and the refusal to
recognise the right of the Turkish Cypriots to establish their own
structure. It is therefore necessary to look in some detail at the reasons
why the present situation has arisen and why, in consequence, both sides
and particularly the less numerous Turkish Cypriots need reliable
safeguards for their future.
One of the most remarkable features of the Cyprus question is the extent to
which the Greek Cypriots have been able to repudiate solemn international
agreements and violate the human rights of the Turkish Cypriots on a
massive scale, and yet, by a quite astonishing feat of public relations,
have secured for themselves recognition as the government of all Cyprus and
have persuaded the world that they, and not the Turkish Cypriots, are the
victimized party.
The consequence of this is that they have been able to extract one-sided
resolutions from the United Nations and other international organisations,
and have been able to secure court judgments based on the fact of
recognition which have been immensely damaging to the Turkish Cypriots. The
Turkish Cypriots have, for over fifty years, been deprived of an official
voice in the world and of the financial resources to match the Greek
Cypriots in the presentation of their case to the world community.
For over fifty years - ever since the overthrow of the 1960 Agreement - the
Turkish Cypriots and their government have been faced with one of the
hardest tasks in the whole range of international affairs - how to get the
world to change its mind after it has got hold of the wrong end of the
stick and clung to it year after year.
THE 1960 PARTNERSHIP REPUBLIC
As the Greek Cypriots continued to demand “Enosis”, the Turkish Cypriots
demanded their rightful share of Cyprus and maintained strong resistance to
Greek Cypriot ambitions.
When Britain decided to decolonise the Island, in the House of Commons on
19 December 1956 the Colonial Secretary, Alan Lennox-Boyd, pledged that "it
will be the purpose of Her Majesty's Government to ensure that any exercise
of self-determination should be effected in such a manner that the Turkish
Cypriot community, no less than the Greek Cypriot community, shall in the
special circumstances of Cyprus be given freedom to decide for themselves
their future status."
Although by then the Greek Cypriots were more numerous, the Turkish
Cypriots had lived in Cyprus as a distinct community for more than 400
years. In exercise of their right to self-determination they were willing
to join in forming a new partnership Republic, embracing the whole of the
Island (less the British sovereign bases) only if that basic fact of
political life in Cyprus was formally recognised.
The alternatives to this partnership were: two separate states, a
condominium, division of the Island between Greece and Türkiye, return of
the Island to Türkiye under the 1878 Lease, or continued British rule. The
negotiations in Zurich and London preceding independence were long and
difficult, but it was eventually agreed by way of compromise between all
five participants - the United Kingdom, Greece, Türkiye, the Turkish
Cypriots, and the Greek Cypriots - that the new state would be a
bi-communal partnership Republic with a single international identity, but
a unique Constitution which embodied an agreed political partnership
between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, and which prohibited the political or
economic union of Cyprus with any other state.
As a compromise solution to the conflicting aspirations of the two ethnic
peoples, the Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960. The Zurich and
London Agreements of 1959 paved the way to a new Cyprus Republic, which was
a bi-national partnership State, based on the political equality of the two
peoples as co-founder partners of the new Republic. The sovereignty of
Cyprus was limited by the guarantor rights given to the two motherlands and
the United Kingdom. Therefore, the 1960 settlement was a "sui generis" one.
At the conclusion of the negotiations, the then Greek Cypriot leader,
Archbishop Makarios, said: “Sending cordial good wishes to all the Greeks
and Turks of Cyprus, I greet with joy the Agreement reached and proclaim
with confidence that this day will be the beginning of a new period of
progress and prosperity for our country".
On 6 March 1959, President Eisenhower endorsed the agreement as "a victory
for common sense", an "imaginative act of statesmanship" and "a splendid
achievement." (US Dep. of State Bulletin p.367).
In the first Presidential elections in Cyprus, Mr. John Clerides (father of
Glafcos Clerides) stood against Makarios on a platform of opposition to the
1960 Agreements and lost by a majority of two to one of the Greek Cypriot
electorate.
The bi-communal structure was fundamental to the 1960 accords on the basis
of which the Republic of Cyprus achieved independence and recognition as a
sovereign state from the international community. Accordingly, from its
very inception, the Republic of Cyprus was never a unitary state in which
there is only one electorate with a majority and minority. The two
communities were political equals and each existed as a political entity,
just as both large and small states exist within the structure of the
European Union. They did not, however, have the same constitutional rights
because the agreements took into account the fact that there were more
Greek Cypriots than Turkish Cypriots.
Knowing that they could not enforce the 1960 agreement themselves, the
Turkish Cypriots would never have agreed to join the new Republic if the
Greek Cypriots had not accepted a Treaty of Guarantee which gave Türkiye a
legal right to intervene, with troops if necessary. The parties to the
Treaty were the United Kingdom, Türkiye, Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus.
Independence was formally granted on 16th August 1960.
As stated above, the case of Cyprus is sui generis, for there is no other
state in the world which came into being as a result of two politically
equal peoples coming together through the exercise by each of its sovereign
right of self-determination, to create a unique legal relationship which
was guaranteed by international treaty, to which each of them consented.
In 1960, the two peoples brought about the bi-national state of Cyprus in
line with the Zurich and London Agreements of 1959. They together, under
agreed terms of cooperation and partnership, shared the legislative,
executive, judicial and other functions. Matters which the two peoples had
managed on a "communal" basis over the centuries - like education,
religion, family law, etc.- were left to the autonomy of the "communal"
administrations which had legislative, executive, and judicial authority
over such matters. In effect, a "functional federative system" had been
established by the two co-founder peoples of the Republic.
CONSTITUTION IGNORED
It became clear very soon after independence that the Greek Cypriots did
not intend to abide by the Constitution, and that their entry into that
solemn legal obligation with the Turkish Cypriots and the Guarantor Powers
in 1960 had been a deception. On 28th July 1960, the Greek Cypriot
President Makarios said "the agreements do not form the goal -they are the
present and not the future. The Greek Cypriot people will continue their
national cause and shape their future in accordance with their will.”
In a speech on 4th September 1962, at Panayia, Makarios also said: "Until
this Turkish community forming part of the Turkish race which has been the
terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA [a
Greek acronym for “National Organization of Cypriot Fighters”, a terrorist
organization bent on achieving “Enosis” at any cost], can never be
considered terminated."
At the time, the Turkish Cypriots were told by the outside world to take no
notice of statements of this kind. They were told that the statements were
just rhetoric, or were for internal consumption within the Greek Cypriot
community. However, the Turkish Cypriots were to discover very soon that
when Greek Cypriot leaders make statements of that kind they should be
taken seriously. Similar statements are still being made by Greek Cypriot
leaders even today (e.g., that their goal is to “protect Cypriot
Hellenism”), and Turkish Cypriots are still being urged not to take them
seriously.
The 1960 Constitution provided that separate municipalities be established
for Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. The Greek Cypriots refused to obey
this mandatory provision and in order to encourage them to do so the
Turkish Cypriots said they would not vote for the Government's taxation
proposals. The Greek Cypriots remained intransigent, so the Turkish
Cypriots took the matter to the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus. The
court comprised one Greek Cypriot judge, one Turkish Cypriot judge, and a
neutral President.
In February 1963 (Cyprus Mail 12.2.63) Archbishop Makarios declared on
behalf of the Greek Cypriots that if the Court ruled against them they
would ignore it. On 25th April 1963 the Court did rule against them and
they did ignore it. The President of the Court (a German citizen) resigned
and the rule of law in Cyprus collapsed. Even Greece was embarrassed by
this Greek Cypriot behaviour. On 19th April 1963, Greek Foreign Minister
Averoff had written to Makarios: "It is not permissible for Greece in any
circumstances to accept the creation of a precedent by which one of the
contracting parties can unilaterally abrogate or ignore provisions that are
irksome to it in international acts which this same party has undertaken to
respect."
However, in November 1963 the Greek Cypriots went further, and demanded the
abolition of no less than eight of the basic articles which had been
included in the 1960 Agreement for the protection of the Turkish Cypriots,
to which abolition the Turkish Cypriots naturally refused to agree. The aim
was to reduce the Turkish Cypriot people to the status of a mere minority,
wholly subject to the control of the Greek Cypriots, pending their ultimate
destruction or expulsion from the island.
Insofar as the Constitution became unworkable, it was because the Greek
Cypriot leadership refused to fulfil the obligations to which they had
agreed. The doctrine of necessity in international law applies to
supervening impossibility due to extraneous and unforseen causes. It does
not apply to self-induced causes. There is in particular no doctrine of
necessity known to international law which could justify the slaughter of
innocent men, women, and children.
At Christmas 1963 the Greek Cypriot militia attacked Turkish Cypriots
across the island, and many men, women, and children were killed. 270 of
their mosques, shrines and other places of worship were desecrated. On 2nd
January 1964 the Daily Telegraph wrote: "The Greek Cypriot community should
not assume that the British military presence can or should secure them
against Turkish intervention if they persecute the Turkish Cypriots. We
must not be a shelter for double-crossers."
Thereafter Turkish Cypriot members of Parliament, judges, and other
officials were intimidated or prevented by force from carrying out their
duties.
A UN peace-keeping force was stationed in the Island in March 1964, but was
not able to improve the situation since political power was usurped by the
Greek Cypriots.
The United Nations not only failed to condemn the usurpation of the legal
order in Cyprus by force, but actually rewarded it by treating the by then
wholly Greek Cypriot administration as if it were the Government of Cyprus
(Security Council Res. 186 of 1964). This acceptance has continued to the
present day, and reflects no credit upon the United Nations, nor upon the
countries who have acquiesced in it.
On 12th August 1964 the UK Representative to the UN wrote to his government
in London as follows:
"What is our policy and true feelings about the future of Cyprus and about
Makarios? Judging from the English newspapers and many others, the feeling
is very strong indeed against Makarios and his so-called government and
nothing would please the British people more than to see him toppled and
the Cyprus problem solved by the direct dealings between the Turks and the
Greeks. We are of course supporting the latter course, but I have never
seen any expression of the official disapproval in public against Makarios
and his evil doings. Is there an official view about this, and what do we
think we should do in the long run? Sometimes it seems that the obsession
of some people with "the Commonwealth" blinds us to everything else and it
would be high treason to take a more active line against Makarios and his
henchmen. At other times the dominant feature seems to be concern lest
active opposition against Makarios should lead to direct conflict with the
Cypriots and end up with our losing our bases.
I ask these questions, partly for background and partly because it really
would be useful to know how far you feel we really are inhibited from
taking up a more actively hostile attitude to the Greek Cypriots. Their
representative here is, as you know, a horror, and even the communists are
thoroughly fed up with him, and it is therefore really not necessary for us
to do anything more to weaken his position. But it is curious and sometimes
very frustrating to sit in the Security Council and walk around the UN and
have to listen to all the stuff about the wickedness of the Turks and their
threats of invasion, when I and all my staff know very well what the real
state of affairs is and how much Makarios and co. are to blame. One can say
what one thinks of course to a few people, but one cannot produce the
evidence or argue the case fully with the vast majority of my UN colleagues
so long as the official public attitude seems to be not to say anything
rude about Makarios and his gang.
These, I realise, are not entirely easy questions and I suspect that the
answers may well depend on differences of view and attitude at your end,
revolving round such questions as the Commonwealth and the truth about our
defence needs. Nevertheless I hope you can give us some of your real
thoughts, if only for our private consumption. It would be a help to know
what the thinking and the planning is and how far and for how long it is
going to be necessary to continue to behave in, what at times does appear
an unrealistic way and contrary to the popular feeling in Britain."
MASSACRES OF TURKISH CYPRIOT CIVILIANS
The civilian massacres of 1963, 1964, 1967 and 1974 are of extreme
importance to understand the Turkish Cypriot negotiating position to this
day.
"When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the constitution
Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in
December 1963" said Lt.Gen. George Karayiannis of the Greek Cypriot militia
in June 1965 ("Ethnikos Kiryx" 15.6.65). The General was of course
referring to the notorious "Akritas" plan, which was the blueprint for the
annihilation of the Turkish Cypriots and the annexation of the Island to
Greece.
On 28th December 1963 the Daily Express carried the following report from
Cyprus: "We went tonight into the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot Quarter of
Nicosia in which 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered in the last five
days. We were the first Western reporters there and we have seen sights too
frightful to be described in print. Horror so extreme that the people
seemed stunned beyond tears."
On 12th January 1964 the British High Commission in Nicosia wrote to London
(telegram no. 162) "The Greek (Cypriot) police are led by extremists who
provoked the fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They have
recruited into their ranks as "special constables" gun-happy young thugs.
They threaten to try and punish any Turkish Cypriot police who wish to
return to Cyprus Government... Makarios assured Sir Arthur Clark that there
will be no attack. His assurance is as worthless as previous assurances
have proved."
On 14th January 1964 the Daily Telegraph reported that the Turkish Cypriot
inhabitants of Ayios Vassilious had been massacred on 26th December 1963,
and reported their exhumation from a mass grave in the presence of the Red
Cross. A further massacre of Turkish-Cypriots, at Limassol, was reported by
The Observer on 16th February 1964, and there were many more. On 17th
February 1964 the Washington Post reported that Greek Cypriot fanatics
appear bent on a policy of genocide.
On 1st January 1964 the Daily Herald reported: "When I came across the
Turkish Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight. Apart from the walls
they just did not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have created more
devastation. Under roofs which had caved in I found a twisted mass of bed
springs, children's cots, and grey ashes of what had once been tables,
chairs and wardrobes. In the neighbouring village of Ayios Vassilios I
counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes. They were all Turkish Cypriot. In
neither village did I find a scrap of damage to any Greek Cypriot house."
On 31st December 1963, The Guardian reported: "It is nonsense to claim, as
the Greek Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting between
armed men of both sides. On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot people were
brutally attacked and murdered in their suburban homes, including the wife
and children of a doctor - allegedly by a group of forty men, many in army
boots and greatcoats." Although the Turkish Cypriots fought back as best
they could, and killed some militia, there were no massacres of Greek
Cypriot civilians.
On 10th September 1964 the UN Secretary-General reported (UN doc.S/5950):
"UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties
throughout the island during the disturbances, (...) it shows that in 109
villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have
been destroyed while 2.000 others have suffered damage from looting. In
Ktima 38 houses and shops have been destroyed totally and 122 partially. In
the Orphomita suburb of Nicosia, 50 houses have been totally destroyed
while a further 240 have been partially destroyed there and in adjacent
suburbs."
British troops in Cyprus at the time did what they could to protect the
Turkish Cypriots, and their efforts are remembered to this day, but the
scale and ferocity of the Greek Cypriot attacks made their task impossible.
On 6th February 1964 a British patrol found armed Greek Cypriot police
attacking the Turkish Cypriots of Ayios Sozomenos. They were unable to stop
the attack.
On 13th February 1964 the Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish
Cypriot quarter of Limassol with tanks, killing 16 and injuring 35. On 15th
February 1964 The Daily Telegraph reported: "It is a real military
operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the six thousand
inhabitants of the Turkish Cypriot Quarter yesterday morning. A spokesman
for the Greek Cypriot Government has recognised this officially. It is hard
to conceive how Greek and Turkish Cypriots may seriously contemplate
working together after all that has happened."
Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral President of the Supreme
Constitutional Court of Cyprus told Die Welt on 27th December 1963 that
"Makarios bears on his shoulders the sole responsibility of the recent
tragic events. His aim is to deprive the Turkish community of their
rights." In an interview with UPI press agency on 30th December 1963 he
said: "All this happened because Makarios wanted to remove all
constitutional rights from the Turkish Cypriots."
More than 300 Turkish Cypriots are still missing without trace from these
massacres of 1963/64. These dreadful events were not the responsibility of
"the Greek Colonels" of 1974, or an unrepresentative handful of Greek
Cypriot extremists. The persecution of the Turkish Cypriots was an act of
policy on the part of the Greek Cypriot political and religious leadership,
which has to this day made no serious attempt to bring the murderers to
justice.
Despite these facts, the Greek Cypriots sometimes allege that it was they
who were attacked and it was the Turkish Cypriots who were determined to
wreck the 1960 agreements. The Turkish Cypriots were not only outnumbered
by nearly four to one; but they were also surrounded in their villages by
armed Greek Cypriots; they had no way of protecting their women and
children, and Türkiye was away across the sea. The very idea that in those
circumstances the Turkish Cypriots were the aggressors is absurd.
In his memoirs, the American Under-Secretary of State, George Ball, said
"Makarios's central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that
he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots.
Obviously we would never permit that." The fact is however that neither the
US, the UK, the UN, nor anyone, other than Türkiye eleven years later, ever
took effective action to prevent it.
DIVISION OF THE ISLAND
Whatever the pretensions of the Greek Cypriot regime, the practical
consequence of the events of 1963-1964 was the emergence of parallel
administrative, judicial and legislative organs for each of the two
peoples.
The Turkish Cypriots were forced to withdraw into enclaves, and it was in
1964, not in 1974, that Cyprus was divided. The Turkish Cypriots had to
establish an elected authority to govern themselves whilst being confined
in their enclaves.
Greek Cypriots often claim that the Turkish Cypriots withdrew voluntarily
from their positions in the State. They were, in fact, excluded by threats
to their personal safety.
On 14th January 1964 "Il Giorno" daily of Italy reported: "Right now we are
witnessing the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands of
people abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is
relentless. This time the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of Plato
do not cover up their barbaric and ferocious behaviour."
The UN Secretary-General reported to the Security Council (UN doc.S/8286):
"When the disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued during the
first part of 1964 thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled their homes, taking
with them only what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in safer
villages and areas."
The UK House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, after
reviewing the issue in 1987, found that "When in July 1965 the Turkish
Cypriot members of the House of Representatives had sought to resume their
seats they were told that they could do so only if they accepted the
legislative changes to the operation of the Constitution enacted in their
absence" (ie. if they agreed to fundamental constitutional changes to the
great disadvantage of their community, imposed upon them by force of arms).
In September 1964 the Secretary-General had reported to the Security
Council (UN doc. 5950): "In addition to losses incurred in agriculture and
in industry during the first part of the year, the Turkish Cypriot
community had lost other sources of its income including the salaries of
over 4000 persons who were employed by the Cyprus Government." The trade of
the Turkish Cypriot community had considerably declined during the period,
and unemployment reached a very high level of approximately 25,000
breadwinners.
Turkish-Cypriots had become refugees in their own land.
At the same time, as reported by the UN Secretary-General on 10th September
1964: “The economic restrictions being imposed against the Turkish Cypriot
communities, which in some instances has been so severe as to amount to
veritable siege, indicated that the Government of Cyprus seeks to force a
potential solution by economic pressure." (UN doc. S/5950).
On 24th July 1965 the United Kingdom formally protested the unlawful action
of the Greek Cypriots, but continued to deal with them as the Government of
Cyprus, and took no effective action to stop them doing as they pleased. In
his memoirs published in 1987 former British Foreign Secretary and Prime
Minister, James Callaghan, records that, "there is no question that the
Turkish Cypriots had for many years been denied their political rights
under the 1960 Constitution, and their basic human rights".
The United Nations and the rest of the world have put political expediency
before principle, and failed to condemn this appalling behaviour. Greek
Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide but no action has ever been taken
against them. Instead they have been rewarded by recognition as the
Government of all Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriots by contrast were frozen out
of the UN, the Commonwealth and almost every other international
organisation, and were not allowed to be heard when many important
decisions affecting their future were made.
Resolution 186 of 4th March 1964 is the first UN Security Council
Resolution which equated the Greek Cypriot regime with the "Government of
Cyprus." The status conferred by this act by the United Nations itself has
enabled the Greek Cypriots for more than fifty years to treat the Turkish
Cypriots as a mere community, to take most of the international aid for
themselves, to impose an embargo on Turkish Cypriot trade and
communications with the outside world, to occupy the Cyprus chair in all
international institutions, and to convince the world that they, and not
the Turkish Cypriots, are the victims of Cyprus issue.
Sir Anthony Kershaw MC, MP, Chairman of the UK House of Commons Select
Committee on Foreign Affairs until 1987 explained in a speech in Cyprus on
23rd October 1990 how the UN came to accept the Greek Cypriots as the
Cyprus Government:
"It was decided that UN troops should be sent to preserve order, but the UN
can only send troops if the legal government of the country concerned asks
for them. The only organisation which could in 1964 be called the
Government of Cyprus was the administration headed by Makarios. The Turkish
Cypriots pointed out that this was not the legal government of Cyprus but
such was the pressure of the times that the UN said: Look your people are
dying - let's get the troops out right away and the lawyers can sort it out
later. So it was decided, but since that time the UN has treated the Greek
Cypriots as the only government of Cyprus, basing this upon a treaty and a
constitution which had been repudiated and broken by the Greek Cypriot
government itself. I do not deny that the Greek Cypriot government is the
de facto government of the South of Cyprus. It has all the attributes of
sovereignty, but so has the government of Northern Cyprus."
In the opinion of Mr. Monroe Leigh, the distinguished American
international lawyer: "The mere fact of international recognition, no
matter how widespread, cannot excuse or confer legitimacy upon the
violations of both constitutional law and international treaty law through
which the Greek Cypriot regime usurped the name as well as the government
of the Republic of Cyprus." (Written opinion 20.7.1990).
THE EVENTS OF 1974
In 1971 General Grivas returned to Cyprus to form EOKA-B, which was again
committed to making Cyprus a wholly Greek island and annexing it to Greece.
In a speech to the Greek Cypriot armed forces (Quoted in "New Cyprus" May
1987), Grivas said. "The Greek forces from Greece have come to Cyprus in
order to impose the will of the Greeks of Cyprus upon the Turks. We want
ENOSIS but the Turks are against it. We shall impose our will. We are
strong and we shall do so."
Greek Invasion and coup d’etat
By 15th July 1974 a powerful force of mainland Greek troops had assembled
in Cyprus and with their backing the Greek Cypriot National Guard, in a
coup d’etat, overthrew Makarios and installed Nicos Sampson as "President."
On 22nd July Washington Star News reported: "Bodies littered the streets
and there were mass burials... People told by Makarios to lay down their
guns, were shot by the National Guard."
Turkish Cypriots appealed to the Guarantor powers for help, but only Türkiye
was willing to give any effective response. The Greek newspaper
Eleftherotipia published an interview with Nicos Sampson on 26th February
1981 in which he said "Had Türkiye not intervened I would not only have
proclaimed ENOSIS - I would have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus."
Even Greek Cypriots sought Türkiye's help. In her memoirs, Greek Cypriot
Member of Parliament Rina Katselli, says: "16th July 1974: Is Makarios
alive? Is he dead? The Makarios supporters arrested, the EOKA-B supporters
freed... I did not shed a tear, why should I? Did the stupidity and
fanaticism deserve a tear? There are some who beg Türkiye to intervene. They
prefer the intervention of Türkiye." “18th July 1974: My God!... Everyone is
frozen with fear... the old man who asked for the body of his son was shot
on the spot… The tortures and executions at the central prison... everyone
is frozen with horror. Nothing is sacred to these people, and they call
themselves Greeks!... we must not keep that name any longer."
Missing Persons
No human tragedy has been the subject of such blatant political
exploitation as the case of missing persons in Cyprus. For more than thirty
years, successive Greek Cypriot governments deceived their people into
thinking that their loved ones might still be alive, but in October 1995
they had to admit that not only were many of them known to be dead, but
that the whereabouts of their remains were also known, and had been
withheld from their families. Some were not even missing; Andreas Mayas
(Missing Person no.572), was alive and receiving a state pension.
During the fighting with Turkish troops between 20th July and 16th August
1974 many Greek Cypriots died in combat. So far as possible their bodies
were recovered and identified by Turkish forces. There were very few deaths
of Greek Cypriots civilians.
The balance of probabilities is therefore that of those Greek Cypriots
still listed as missing most were killed during the Sampson coup of 15th -
20th July 1974, and that others died in combat. Some are in mass graves
such as those described by Father Papatsestos, and the remainder have no
known grave. Those killed in the fighting with the Turkish army would not
have died if the Greek Cypriots and Greece had not tried to annihilate the
Turkish Cypriots and annex the island to Greece, and the blame for their
deaths must rest firmly upon their own leadership.
Prisoners of War taken by the Turkish Army were sent to Türkiye, where they
were visited by the Red Cross, and repatriated on 8th August 1974, 16th
September 1974, and 28th October 1975 under international supervision.
There are no prisoners of war in Türkiye.
On 17th April 1991 US Ambassador Ledsky told the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee "The US Ambassador to Türkiye has looked into all of these
allegations and found there was no substance. The Turkish Government was
cooperative and the Turkish and US Governments worked together on this. The
subject has been exhausted and we haven't even heard an allegation in two
years."
On 3rd March 1996 the Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail wrote: "(Greek) Cypriot
governments have found it convenient to conceal the scale of atrocities
during the 15th July coup in an attempt to downplay its contribution to the
tragedy of the summer of 1974 and instead blame the Turkish invasion for
all casualties. There can be no justification for any government that
failed to investigate this sensitive humanitarian issue. The shocking
admission by the Clerides government that there are people buried in
Nicosia cemetery who are still included in the list of the "missing" is the
last episode of a human drama which has been turned into a propaganda
tool."
On 19th October 1996 Mr.Georgios Lanitis wrote: "I was serving with the
Foreign Information Service of the Republic of Cyprus in London... I deeply
apologise to all those I told that there are 1.619 missing persons. I
misled them. I was made a liar, deliberately, by the Government of
Cyprus... today it seems that the credibility of Cyprus is nil."
On 17th April 1991 Ambassador Nelson Ledsky testified before the US Senate
Foreign Relations Committee that "Most of the missing persons disappeared
in the first days of July 1974, before the Turkish intervention on the
20th. Many killed on the Greek side were killed by Greek Cypriots in
fighting between supporters of Makarios and Sampson."
On 19th July 1974, before the Turkish army landed, Archbishop Makarios told
the UN Security Council: "I do not yet know the details of the Cyprus
crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that the number of
losses is great... I considered the danger from Türkiye lesser than the
danger from Greek army officers."
The Greek newspaper TA NEA published an interview on 28th February 1976
with Father Papatsestos, the Greek Orthodox priest in charge of the Nicosia
cemetery. He recounted the events of 17th July 1974 when Greek officers
required him to bury truckloads of Greek Cypriots in mass graves, together
with one young Greek Cypriot whom they buried alive, and ten dead Turkish
Cypriots. This one priest counted at least 127 bodies brought to him, and
there must have been many similar incidents throughout the island.
On 22nd July 1974, The Times reported that "a production Director from
Dublin said he had seen bodies being buried in a mass grave near Paphos
after last Monday's coup. People were told by Makarios to lay down their
guns and were shot out of hand by the National Guard, he said."
On 6th November 1974 TA NEA also reported the erasure of dates from the
graves of Greek Cypriots killed in the five days, 15th - 20th July, in
order to blame their deaths on the subsequent Turkish military action.
On 5th March 1996, US Ambassador Ledsky confirmed that there is no evidence
that any of the missing persons is still alive.
Türkiye Responds
In his book "The Way the Wind Blows", former British Prime Minister, Sir
Alec Douglas-Home said: "I was convinced that if Archbishop Makarios could
not bring himself to treat the Turkish Cypriots as human beings, he was
inviting the invasion and partition of the island."
US Under-Secretary of State, George Ball, said "Makarios central interest
was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots
could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots."
After consultations with Britain which did not want to take joint action
under the Treaty of Guarantee, Türkiye intervened as a Guarantor Power on 20
July 1974 in conformity with its rights and obligations deriving from the
Treaty of Guarantee. Intervention by Türkiye blocked the way to annexation
of the Island by Greece and brought security and hope, after eleven years,
to the Turkish Cypriots.
In an article on 28th February 1976 in the Greek Cypriot press Father
Papatsestos said: "In is a rather hard thing to say, but it is true that
the Turkish intervention saved us from a merciless internecine war. The
Sampson regime had prepared a list of all Makarios supporters, and they
would have slaughtered them all." Many of the people saved by Türkiye are
members of the present Greek Cypriot leadership.
In July 1974, after the first phase of the Turkish intervention, an
international conference was held at Geneva between Türkiye, Greece and
Britain. It was agreed that Greek and Greek Cypriot forces would leave all
the Turkish Cypriot enclaves, but showing their customary disregard for
international agreements they proceeded instead to murder almost the entire
civilian population of six Turkish Cypriot enclaves in both the north and
south of the island, and despite the presence in Cyprus of UN troops.
The German newspaper Die Zeit wrote on 30th August 1974 "the massacre of
Turkish Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the
Turkish were to undertake their (August) intervention".
In the village of Tokhni on 14th August 1974 all the Turkish Cypriot men
between the ages of 13 and 74, except for eighteen who managed to escape,
were taken away and shot. (Times, Guardian, 21st August)
In Zyyi on the same day all the Turkish Cypriot men aged between 19 and 38
were taken away by Greek Cypriots and were never seen again. On the same
day Greek Cypriots opened fire in the Turkish Cypriot neighbourhood of
Paphos killing men, women, and children indiscriminately. On 23rd July 1974
the Washington Post reported "In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village
near Limassol 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks
said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish
villages before the Turkish forces arrived." (See also Times, Guardian,
23rd July).
"The Greeks began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees said.
Kazan Derviş, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying
with her uncle. The (Greek Cypriot) National Guard came into the Turkish
sector and shooting began. She saw her uncle and other relatives taken away
as prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot." (Times 23.7.74)
"Before my uncle was taken away by the soldiers, he shouted to me to run
away. I ran to the streets, and the soldiers were shooting all the time. I
went into a house and I saw a woman being attacked by soldiers. They were
raping her. Then they shot her in front of my eyes. I ran away again and
Turkish Cypriot men and women looked after me. They were escaping as well.
They broke holes in the sides of houses, so we could get away without going
into the streets. There were lots of women and children screaming, and
soldiers were firing at us all the time."
On 28th July the New York Times reported that 14 Turkish-Cypriot men had
been shot in Alaminos. On 24th July 1974 "France Soir" reported "The Greeks
burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around
Famagusta. Defenceless Turkish villagers who have no weapons live in an
atmosphere of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tere
a shame to humanity."
On 22nd July Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the UN to "stop the
genocide of Turkish-Cypriots" and declared "Türkiye has accepted a
cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred" (Times
23rd July). At the beginning of the Second Geneva Conference he said "A
solution which is not based on geographical separation will not work. It is
out of the question for us to entrust the safety of the Turkish Cypriots to
the Greeks, who cannot even rule themselves. The areas around the Turkish
forces are being mined, and the Turkish Cypriot villages are still under
siege."
The UK House of Commons Select Committee on Cyprus reported in 1976 that
"the second phase of military operations was inevitable in the view of your
committee as the position reached by Turkish forces at the time of the
first ceasefire was untenable militarily."
On 12th March 1977 Makarios declared "It is in the name of ENOSIS that
Cyprus has been destroyed."
EFFORTS FOR A COMPREHENSIVE SETTLEMENT THE UNDER UNSG’S GOOD OFFICES
MISSION
The Cyprus question has been the subject of negotiations, under U.N.
auspices, between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot peoples, as the two
parties to the Cyprus dispute, since 1968. The details of inter-communal
talks held between 1968-1974, 1975-1979, 1980-1983, 1988-1992 and 1999-2004
are recorded in the annals of the U.N. Security Council and the U.N.
General Assembly. In 1983, the Turkish Cypriots set up their own Republic,
the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, while continuing the search for
reconciliation.
The fundamental basis of the search for a just and lasting solution in
Cyprus has been the equal partnership of the two peoples in the Island (the
internal balance) and the maintenance of the balance established between
the two motherlands, Türkiye and Greece (the external balance), over Cyprus.
In the course of the efforts conducted under the auspices of successive UN
Secretaries-General for a settlement, a number of basic parameters emerged,
such as bi-zonality, political equality, continuation of the Treaties of
Guarantee and of Alliance, resolution of the property issue on the basis of
global exchange and/or compensation and restrictions on the three freedoms
(of movement, settlement and property).
Throughout the half-century-long years negotiation process since 1968, no
issue has been left undiscussed.
The Turkish Cypriot side and Türkiye have always supported a just, lasting
and comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue throughout the
negotiations under the auspices of the UN Secretary-General’s (UNSG) Good
Offices mission. However, the Greek Cypriot side rejected the 1985-86 Draft
Framework Agreements, the UN-sponsored Set of Ideas of 1992, the package of
Confidence Building Measures of 1994 and the Comprehensive Settlement of
the Cyprus Problem (Annan Plan) in April 2004. Most recently, it was once
again the intransigence of the Greek Cypriot side that led to the closure
of the Conference on Cyprus without any outcome on 7 July 2017.
The negotiations under the auspices of the UNSG’s Good Offices Mission were
conducted on the basis of the following established parameters for a
comprehensive settlement:
- Political equality of the two sides
- Equal status of the two Constituent States
- New Partnership State
- New State of Affairs
- Bi-zonality, Bi-communality
- Power sharing
- Settlement must have legal certainty in the EU (EU primary law)
- No hierarchy, no domination
- The Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance
- Separate simultaneous referenda
The Annan Plan of 2004, which was freely negotiated at every stage by the
two sides, constituted a culmination of the UN parameters and represented a
carefully balanced compromise. The Plan foresaw a partnership between the
Greek Cypriot State and the Turkish Cypriot State. As the UN
Secretary-General Mr. Annan stated in his speech of 31 March 2004, “a new
state of affairs would emerge, far better designed than the one of 1960.”
The Foundation Agreement envisaged the establishment of a United Cyprus,
based on a new bi-zonal partnership, with a federal government and two
Constituent States, namely “the Greek Cypriot State” and “the Turkish
Cypriot State”. It was also stipulated in the UN Plan that “the Constituent
States are of equal status, each of them exercises its authority within its
territorial boundaries” and that “the identity, territorial integrity,
security and constitutional order of the Constituent States shall be
safeguarded and respected by all.” Furthermore, the Main Articles of the
Foundation Agreement envisaged that “the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish
Cypriots affirmed that Cyprus is their common home and acknowledged each
other’s distinct identity and integrity and that their relationship is not
one of majority and minority but of political equality, where neither side
may claim authority or jurisdiction over the other.”
The Annan Plan was put to separate and simultaneous referenda on 24 April
2004. It was accepted by the Turkish Cypriots with 65% of votes but
rejected by the Greek Cypriot side with 76% of votes.
The UN and numerous international organizations, as well as many countries,
applauded the Turkish Cypriot people’s affirmative vote and, in the light
of the understanding that ways and means should be found to end the
isolation of the Turkish Cypriots, they called for the immediate
restoration of their direct economic, trade and cultural activities
internationally.
The UN Secretary-General issued his report on the negotiations on 28 May
2004. In it he emphasized that “in the aftermath of the vote, the situation
of the Turkish Cypriots calls for the attention of the international
community as a whole, including Security Council” and underlined the fact
that the “Turkish Cypriot vote has undone any rationale for pressuring and
isolating them.” On this basis, the UNSG also noted that there is no
Security Council resolution which imposes restrictions on the Turkish
Cypriots and called on members of the Security Council to “give a strong
lead to all States to cooperate both bilaterally and in international
bodies to eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers that have the
effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development.”
The UNSG also underlined that “if the Greek Cypriots are ready to share
power and prosperity with the Turkish Cypriots in a federal structure based
on political equality, this needs to be demonstrated, not just by word, but
by action.”
A new situation arose on the Island after the 2004 referenda. Despite the
absence of a settlement, the European Council of Copenhagen approved the EU
membership of “Cyprus”, based on the unilateral application of the Greek
Cypriot Administration. Türkiye and the TRNC argued that the Greek Cypriot
side had no authority to negotiate on behalf of the whole Island and that
this accession would be in contravention of the relevant provisions of the
1959-1960 Treaties on Cyprus, thus constituting a violation of
international law. The said Treaties prohibit Cyprus from joining any
international organization of which both Türkiye and Greece are not members.
On the other hand, while the European Council decided on April 26, 2004, to
end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots with no conditions, this decision
has not yet been implemented.
THE UN NEGOTIATION PROCESS BETWEEN 2008 AND 2017
A new process started in Cyprus following the meeting of the Turkish
Cypriot leader Talat and Greek Cypriot leader Christofias on March 21,
2008. The new negotiations between the two leaders for a comprehensive
settlement of the Cyprus issue began on September 3, 2008. The six chapters
discussed in the full-fledged negotiations were ‘Governance and Power
Sharing’, ‘Property’, ‘EU Matters’, ‘Economic Matters’, ‘Territory’ and
‘Security and Guarantees’.
In April 2010 Mr. Derviş Eroğlu was elected President of the TRNC. He
committed to continue the negotiations where they had been left off.
During the process the two leaders and the UNSG came together in various
tripartite meetings in the 2010-2012 period, including on 23-24 January
2012 in Greentree, New York. During these meetings, the Turkish Cypriot
side maintained its constructive and result-oriented approach. The
international community had high expectations from the tripartite meeting
held in January 2012 in Greentree. The Turkish side had been hoping that
the meeting would usher in a high-level meeting with the participation of
the two sides and the three guarantors to address all remaining issues not
agreed upon by the two sides and seal the settlement through a grand
bargain. However, this was not possible. The Greek Cypriots sidestepped
genuine talks in order to avoid a decision for a high-level meeting and a
very important opportunity was missed.
Throughout the following period, the Turkish Cypriot side continued its
determined and constructive efforts for the success of the UN process, with
Türkiye’s full support. However no progress could be achieved. The UNSG
informed the two leaders on 21 April 2012 that he did not consider the
current conditions as being appropriate for convening a high-level meeting.
This was especially disappointing for the Turkish Cypriot side, who spared
no effort so that this opportunity would not be wasted.
After the Greek Cypriot elections in February 2013 it took almost a year
for the new Greek Cypriot leader Mr. Anastasiades to come to the
negotiation table. A joint statement exercise was actually launched in
September 2013, since the Greek Cypriot side had not clarified its position
on the convergences achieved in the process in the 2008-2012 period. TRNC
President Eroğlu had, however, confirmed several times his commitment to
the agreed convergences and to all their positions so far tabled in the
negotiations. The two leaders in Cyprus finally met on 11 February 2014 to
resume the comprehensive settlement negotiations under the auspices of the
UN, and they issued a joint statment that referred to “structured”
negotiations to be carried out in a “result-oriented” manner, focusing on
unresolved core issues,
Following the resumption of the negotiations, cross-visits of the then
Turkish Cypriot Negotiator Mr. Kudret Özersay and Greek Cypriot Negotiator
Mr. Andreas Mavroyiannis to Athens and Ankara respectively took place on 27
February 2014. These visits were important for manifesting the support and
commitment of Türkiye and Greece as motherlands.
After 11 February 2014, the Turkish Cypriot side exerted its utmost effort
to secure the existing convergences and to build upon them. The Greek
Cypriot side, however, continued to resort to delaying tactics and
attempted to frustrate the process. In the meantime, former Norwegian
Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Espen Barth Eide was appointed as the new
Special Advisor of the UNSG for Cyprus in August 2014.
Then, just as a basic agreement was reached to move to the next phase of
structured negotiations in September 2014, the Greek Cypriot side commenced
off-shore drilling activities in their so-called license areas, which
overlap with those of the Turkish Cypriots (the Greek Cypriots’ unilateral
hydrocarbon-related activities are discussed in detail in a seperate
subsection below). Turkish Cypriots declared that they would take
countermeasures to protect their equal and inherent rights over the
resources of the whole continental shelf of the Island. The Greek Cypriot
side used this as a pretext to step away from the UN negotiations in
October 2014.
After Turkish Cypriot Presidental elections had been held in April 2015 and
Mustafa Akıncı had been elected President, the comprehensive settlement
negotiations resumed on May 15, 2015. From November 2015 onwards, the
negotiations intensified at the level of leaders.
In the following one and a half years, considerable progress was achieved
in the Economy and the EU chapters while divergences remained in the
Governance and Power Sharing chapter. Detailed talks on the Property
chapter continued. The chapters of Territory and Security and Guarantees
were to be taken up in the final stage of the negotiations.
The negotiations entered a critical phase with the convention of the
Conference on Cyprus on 12 January in Geneva. The following statement was
issued at the Geneva session of the Conference:
“The Conference on Cyprus convened today, 12 January 2017, in Geneva, under
the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, with the
participation of H.E. Mr. Mustafa Akıncı and H.E. Mr. Nicos Anastasiades,
the Foreign Ministers of Greece, Türkiye and the United Kingdom as guarantor
powers and in the presence of the European Union as an observer.
The Conference commended Mr. Anastasiades and Mr. Akıncı for the remarkable
progress made over the past 20 months in the Cyprus talks. It was only
thanks to their dedicated work that it was possible to convene the
Conference today. This is the first time that brought all together to
discuss the chapter of security and guarantees, the sixth and last chapter
of the negotiations.
The discussions today underscored the participants’ intention to find
mutually acceptable solutions on security and guarantees that address the
concerns of both communities. They recognized that the security of one
community cannot come at the expense of the security of the other. They
also acknowledged the need to address the traditional security concerns of
the two communities while at the same time developing a security vision for
a future united federal Cyprus.
The participants recognized that this is the time to bring the negotiations
to a successful conclusion. This is a historic opportunity that should not
be missed. The participants therefore committed to supporting the process
towards a comprehensive settlement in Cyprus. The common objectives
outlined above will require concerted efforts by all concerned over the
course of the next days.
Therefore, to this end, they decided to continue the Conference, in line
with established precedent, with the following steps:
Establish a working group at the level of deputies. This group will
commence its work on 18 January. Its task will be to identify specific
questions and the instruments needed to address them.
In parallel, the negotiations on outstanding issues in the other chapters
will continue between the two sides in Cyprus.
The Conference will continue at political level immediately thereafter to
review the outcome of the working group’s discussions.
The Conference confirmed the full commitment of the three guarantor powers
to support reaching a comprehensive settlement.”
In the period following the Geneva session of the Conference on Cyprus,
negotiations stalled for two months after the Greek Cypriot Parliament
passed a decision on 10 February 2017 to commemorate the 1950 “Enosis”
plebiscite in Greek Cypriot public schools.
The second and final session of the Conference on Cyprus convened in
Crans-Montana between 28 June – 7 July 2017. Despite the fact that both
Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots displayed a constructive attitude and
spared no effort for a just and sustainable settlement, the Greek Cypriot
side persistently refused to display any goodwill and the Conference closed
without an outcome. This most recent failure to reach a settlement clearly
showed once again that the Greek Cypriots are neither willing to share
power with the Turkish Cypriots on the Island, nor to acknowledge the
Turkish Cypriots’ political equality.
Currently, the comprehensive settlement negotiations which began in 2008
are over. They are neither postponed nor suspended. The UNSG’s Special
Advisor, Mr. Eide, resigned from his post on 14 August 2017. The post
remains unoccupied.
Türkiye maintains that only a negotiated settlement based on dialogue and
diplomacy can be sustainable. However, as long as the status quo on the
Island continues, the Turkish Cypriots continue to suffer a grave
injustice. It is high time to put an end to their inhuman isolation. The
restrictions on their contacts with the international community must be
lifted. The side working towards a settlement cannot be punished. Likewise,
the side blocking a settlement should not be rewarded.
In line with the UN Secretary-General’s call on all parties, Türkiye is
currently in a period of reflection with the Turkish Cypriots. Whether or
not the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots continues will have a decisive
impact on this reflection.
THE GREEK CYPRIOTS’ UNILATERAL HYDROCARBON-RELATED ACTIVITIES
In the past decade, the Greek Cypriots’ hydrocarbon-related activities in
the Eastern Mediterranean have become a primary destabilizing factor for
the region. Following the Greek Cypriots’ unilateral declaration of
so-called licencing blocks, in total disregard of the rights of the Turkish
Cypriots, and the beginning of their first offshore drilling activities in
September 2011, a continental shelf delimitation agreement was between
Türkiye and the TRNC. This was a necesary counterstep to the Greek Cypriots’
provocation, even though the Turkish side is, in principle, opposed to such
undertakings in the absence of a comprehensive settlement. The Government
of the TRNC subsequently issued licenses for the exploration and
exploitation of oil and gas reserves around the Island to the Turkish
Petroleum Corporation and signed an "Oil Field Services and Production
Sharing Agreement" with the Corporation. At the same time, the TRNC
President, in a proposal submitted to the UN Secretary-General, suggested a
mutual and simultaneous suspension of all activities related to the
hydrocarbon reserves off the coast of Cyprus. As an alternative course of
action (if the Greek Cypriots were unwilling to suspend activities),
President Eroğlu suggested that an ad hoc committee be formed with the
participation of the two sides and the UN to obtain the written mutual
consent of the two sides and to determine their relevant shares, whereby
the revenue would be placed in an escrow account an used to finance the
implementation of the provisions of an eventual comprehensive settlement.
However, these constructive proposals were almost immediatelt returned by
the Greek Cypriots to the Turkish Cypriot side via the UN, without further
comment, clearly demonstrating that the Greek Cypriots did not regard the
Turkish Cypriots as their future partners or as co-owners of the Island of
Cyprus.
The Greek Cypriot side continued its provocative offshore activities
throughout the remainder of the 2008-2017 negotiation process. In the
interim between the Geneva and Crans-Montana sessions of the Conference on
Cyprus, the Greek Cypriots signed exploration and exploitation contracts
with several international hydrocarbon companies and consortiums in April
2017, persisitng in acting as though they were the sole owner of the Island
in a period when they should instead have been displaying strong political
will towards establishing a new partnership with the Turkish Cypriot
people.
Both the TRNC and Türkiye protested, drawing attention to the problematic
nature of activities carried out by hydrocarbon companies in maritime areas
over which the Turkish Cypriots have rights. Türkiye also emphasized yet
again that a significant segment of one of the relevant areas, namely block
number 6, falls within Türkiye’s continental shelf and that foreign
companies shall never, under any conditions, be permitted to carry out
unauthorized hydrocarbon exploration and exploitation activities in
Türkiye’s maritime jurisdiction areas. Türkiye thereby reiterated its call on
the Greek Cypriot side to take into consideration the inalienable rights of
the Turkish Cypriot people on the Island’s natural resources. Türkiye also
strongly emphasized that it would continue to take all necessary measures
to protect its rights and interests in its continental shelf as well as the
rights and interests of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
Similar warnings with regard to the irresponsible steps being taken by the
Greek Cypriot Administration were issued by Türkiye when a drilling vessel
has arrived in the region in July 2017, immediately after the Conference on
Cyprus had closed without an outcome.
Currently, despite all the warnings of the Turkish side, drilling
activities in the Greek Cypriot Administration’s so-called block 6 are
planned to commence in the beginning of 2018.