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Some 30 years ago, on the occasion of Turkey’s formal membership
application to the EU, then Prime Minister Turgut Özal likened the process
of joining the bloc to “a long and narrow road,” referring to a famous
verse by the folk-poet Aşık Veysel. Time has proven that the road has,
indeed, been not just long and narrow, but also bumpy.
Turkey-EU relations were overshadowed in the 1980s by the aftermath of the
military coup, in the 1990s by the exclusion of Turkey from the fifth
enlargement wave of the EU and most recently, in 2016, by the July 15 coup
attempt. Yet, each time the relationship showed resilience against
interruptions and found a way out. Today, we find ourselves in a similarly
unpromising situation. Yet, once again, I have no doubt that we will manage
to come to agreement with our European friends to put Turkey’s EU process
back on track.
I have three strong reasons to believe so. First of all, we are leaving
behind the difficult times that followed the 2016 attempted coup. As a
founding member of the Council of Europe, Turkey has carried out its
post-coup measures in line with the rule of law and international norms.
Those who criticized Turkey on the measures taken miss the point that this
was not a simple political matter but an existential issue for Turkish
democracy. They also fail to fully appreciate the trauma that the attempt
caused.
The EU process is unmistakably at the top of our government’s agenda. We
ended the state of emergency in July 2018. After a break of two and a half
years, we reconvened the Reform Action Group composed of key ministers,
with the objective of rejuvenating political reforms.
Meanwhile, the movement to the presidential system of government has
brought faster decision-making and less bureaucracy, allowing reforms to be
accelerated. The “100-Day Action Plan” announced by President Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan includes measures with regard to Chapter 23 of the accession
negotiations on Judiciary and Fundamental Rights and Chapter 24 on Justice,
Freedom and Security.
Despite all the challenges in striking a balance between freedom and
security in one of the world’s most unstable regions, Turkey has been
relentlessly seeking to consolidate its democracy, as the Turkish nation
deserves the highest standards. To that end, Turkey has adopted more than
2,000 pieces of legislation in line with the EU acquis in the last decade —
despite the scourge of terrorism, heavy burdens of irregular migration and
a bloody coup attempt.
I find it ironic that the EU shies away from opening the negotiation of
chapters under which it criticizes Turkey the most, when we have always
been sincere in our openness to constructive criticism.
Secondly, the current international context provides strong motives for a
closer alliance. The fundamentals of the post-war order are shaking.
Assertive unilateralism is replacing rule-based multilateralism, and
destabilizing developments on a wide range of issues — including regional
politics, trade, environment and security — are harming the interests of
the EU and Turkey alike.
In these testing times, the EU and Turkey have common positions on critical
matters including the Palestinian issue and the Iran nuclear deal. EU
members have expressed their support for the robust diplomatic efforts of
Turkey, particularly for the protection of civilians in Syria. In the face
of increasing volatilities, Turkey and the EU have much work to do for the
security and stability of our Continent and beyond.
Finally, the EU needs Turkey as much as Turkey needs the EU. In his white
paper on the future of Europe, European Commission President Jean-Claude
Juncker identified security threats, irregular migration, declining soft
power and aging societies as key challenges, which the EU has to tackle. On
each and every one of these items, Turkey is already making meaningful
contributions to the EU.
By hosting more than 4 million refugees and halting the flow of thousands
via the Aegean Sea, Turkey has prevented a major humanitarian crisis in
Europe. Even now, the pressure continues. Asylum seekers continue to risk
their lives as turmoil continues in their home countries.
On the fight against terrorism, Turkey has been the leading country among
coalition members that fight DAESH on the ground. Turkey continues to open
its air bases and air space to its coalition partners.
Turning to the financial front, the Turkish financial system and banking
sector were resilient enough to counter speculative currency attacks. In
2018, Turkey recorded 2.6 percent growth, despite all the setbacks. We have
the youngest society and best services sector in Europe. This list can be
extended, but in the context of Brexit, it is fairly easy to see how Turkey
fills a substantial EU gap.
Once Turkey becomes a member of the EU, it will significantly contribute to
the bloc in a wide range of areas including security, migration, economic
dynamism, soft power, social security and energy security. Yet, without a
structured relationship and a merit-based accession track, the relation is
potentially on the rocks.
I want to call on my colleagues in Brussels and in the EU’s national
capitals to return to the spirit of the 1999 Helsinki meeting of the
European Council in which Turkey became an official candidate and the EU
became a serious anchor. First and foremost, we should restart the
accession negotiations as they form the backbone of our relationship.
We should also launch negotiations to update the customs union, to the
benefit of all. After fulfilling the six remaining benchmarks determined in
the visa liberalization dialogue, visa-free travel should be granted for
Turkish citizens. This step would not just contribute to business and
employment; it would also further people-to-people dialogue.
The recent decision of the Supreme Election Council to annul the results of
the March 31 municipal election in Istanbul is a final judicial decision
taken by an independent body, which has received the praise of European
monitoring mechanisms for its previous professional work.
The Council took this decision primarily over the unlawful composition of
certain election boards. The rerun is now scheduled for June 23. Turkey is
proud of its record of holding free and fair elections, and we will
certainly do our utmost to hold the rerun under the highest international
standards.
After that final poll, we will have an election-free period of roughly four
years. Similarly, after the European Parliament election in May, there will
be a new term of five years for the EU leadership. We should not let this
opportunity pass by untapped.
One must not forget that Turkey has had and continues to simultaneously
deal with an attempted coup, terrorist organizations and an influx of
refugees. Under normal circumstances, one of these is enough to shake a
nation. However, Turkey has seen it all and persevered. All that it wants
is some understanding and solidarity in the face of this reality.
Major turning points in recent history — including the 9/11 attacks in the
United States, the Arab Spring, the global financial crisis and the refugee
crisis — have repeatedly proven the strategic importance of the Turkey-EU
relationship. Furthermore, economic, political, security and
identity-related matters have demonstrated that Turkey is more than a
strategic partner for the EU.
I believe that if Turkey were already a member, we would have been more
capable and competent in collectively addressing the challenges of today’s
highly volatile world order. Let’s not wait another 30 years.